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Ukraine |
Russia–Ukraine relations (Russian: Российско-украинские отношения, Ukrainian: Українсько-російські відносини or Російсько-українські відносини) were established in 1991 immediately upon the dissolution of the Soviet Union of which both were founding constituent republics.
Russia has an embassy in Kiev and consulates in Kharkiv, Lviv, Odessa and Simferopol. Ukraine has an embassy in Moscow and consulates in Rostov-on-Don, Saint Petersburg, Tyumen and Vladivostok.
Relations between the two country's Governments were hostile during the (Ukrainian) Presidency of Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010). Prime Minister Vladimir Putin allegedly declared at a NATO-Russia summit in 2008 that, if Ukraine were to join NATO, his country could contend to annex the Ukrainian East and Crimea.[1] Some analysts believe that the current Russian leadership is determined to prevent an equivalent of the Ukrainian Orange Revolution in Russia. This perspective is supposed to explain not only Russian domestic policy but its sensitivity to events abroad.[2] Many in Ukraine and beyond believe that Russia has periodically used its vast energy resources to bully its smaller, dependent neighbour, but the Russian Government argues instead that it was the internal squabbling amongst Ukraine's political elite that is to blame for the deadlock.[3] Since the election of Viktor Yanukovych as Ukrainian President in early 2010 the relations between the two nations have improved.[4][5]
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Ukraine and Russia share much of their history. Kiev, the modern capital of Ukraine, is often referred to as a mother of Russian Cities or a cradle of the Rus' civilisation owing to the once powerful Kievan Rus' state, a predecessor of both Russian and Ukrainian nations.[6]
After the Mongol invasion of Rus the histories of the Russian and Ukrainian people's started to diverge.[7] The former, having successfully united all the remnants of the Rus' northern provinces, swelled into a powerful Russian state. The latter came under the domination of Poland but the increasing pressure of Poland caused the Zaporozhian Cossacks to seek union with Russia via the Treaty of Pereyaslav.[8]
Afterward, most of Ukraine was gradually absorbed into the Russian Empire, which was completed in the late 18th century with the Partitions of Poland and the disbandment of the last Cossack units. Many people born in Ukraine, then called Little Russia, had powerful positions in the Russian Empire.[9]
After the February Revolution early relations with Russian Provisional Government and the Ukrainian Central Rada were the borders of the Ukrainian People's Republic, as over the three centuries of Ukraine being part of Russia several mixed Russian and Ukrainian territories were formed. The Sloboda region to the northeast, the Donets Basin to the east and the New Russia to the south. After the October Revolution, Ukraine became a battleground in the Russian Civil War and both Russians and Ukrainians fought in nearly all armies based on their political belief.[10]
In 1922, Ukraine and Russia were two of the founding members of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and were the signatories of the treaty that terminated the union in December 1991.[11]
After both Ukraine and Russia terminated the union several acute disputes formed. The former one was the question of the Crimea which the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic had administered since 1954. This however was largely resolved in an agreement that allowed for Crimea to remain part of Ukraine, provided its Autonomous Republic status is preserved.
The second major dispute of the 1990s was the city of Sevastopol, with its base of the Black Sea Fleet. Unlike the rest of the Crimea peninsula, the city of Sevastopol carried a special status within the Soviet Union. During the fall of the Soviet state the city along with the rest of Ukraine participated in the national referendum for independence of Ukraine where 58% of its population voted for the succession of the city in favour of the Ukrainian state, yet the Supreme Soviet of Russia voted to reclaim the city as its territory in 1993 (a vote unrecognised by Boris Yeltsin, at the time the Russian parliament and president were at a political stand-off). After several years of intense negotiations, in 1997 the whole issue was decided on the Black Sea Fleet partitioning and leasing some of the naval bases in Sevastopol to the Russian Navy until 2017.
Another major dispute became the energy supply problems as several Soviet-Western Europe oil and gas pipelines ran through Ukraine. According to the Russian internet-newspaper Gazeta.ru, in the 1990s Leonid Kuchma in the interview with Spiegel acknowledged the fact that Ukraine siphoned off Russian gas,[12]. Later after new treaties came into effect, the enormous debts were paid off by transfer of several Soviet weaponry and nuclear arsenals that Ukraine inherited, to Russia such as the Tu-160 bombers.[13] During the 1990s both countries along with other ex-Soviet states founded the Commonwealth of Independent States and large business partnerships came into effect.
Although disputes prior to the Ukrainian presidential election, 2004 were present including the accidental shooting down of a Siberia Airlines Tupolev Tu-154 in 2002 by the Ukrainian air defence and the controversy with the Tuzla Island, relations with Russia under the latter years of Leonid Kuchma improved. In 2002 the Russian Government took part in financing the construction of the Khmelnytsky and the Rivne nuclear power plants.[14] However, after the Orange Revolution several problems resurfaced including a gas dispute, and Ukraine's potential NATO membership.
Today Russia remains Ukraine's biggest economic partner, Ukraine's tourist industry is heavily dependent on Russian tourists, and Russia's economy also depends on Ukrainian migrant workers.[15] The overall perception of relations with Russia in Ukraine differs largely on regional factors. Many Russophone eastern and southern regions, which are also home to the majority of the Russian diaspora in Ukraine welcome closer relations with Russia.[16] However further central and particularly western regions (who were never a part of Imperial Russia) of Ukraine show a less friendly attitude to the idea of a historic link to Russia[17][18][19][20] and the Soviet Union in particular.[21]
Russia has no intention of annexing any country.
In Russia, there is no regional breakdown in the opinion of Ukraine,[23] but on the whole, Ukraine's recent attempts to joint the EU and NATO were seen as change of course to only a pro-Western, anti-Russian orientation of Ukraine and thus a sign of hostility and this resulted in a drop of Ukraine's perception in Russia[24] (although Ukrainian President Yushchenko reassured Russia that joining NATO it is not meant as an anti-Russian act[25]). This was further fuelled by the public discussion in Ukraine of whether the Russian language should be given official status[26] and be made the second state language.[27][28] During the 2009 gas conflict the Russian media almost uniformly portrayed Ukraine as an aggressive and greedy state that wanted to ally with Russia’s enemies and exploit cheap Russian gas.[29]
Further worsening relations were provoking statements by both Russian (a.o. the Russian Foreign Ministry,[30] the Mayor of Moscow Yury Luzhkov[31] and then President Vladimir Putin[25][32]) and Ukrainian politicians, for example, the former Foreign Minister Borys Tarasiuk,[33] deputy Justice Minister of Ukraine Evhen Kornichuk[34] and then leader of parliamentary opposition Yulia Tymoshenko.[35]
The status of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Sevastopol remains a matter of disagreement and tensions.[23][36]
In February 2008 Russia unilaterally withdrew from the Ukrainian-Russian intergovernmental agreement on SPRN signed in 1997.[37]
During the 2008 South Ossetia war, relations between Ukraine and Russia soured, due to Ukraine's support and selling of arms to Georgia. According to a Russian Investigative Committee 200 members of the Ukrainian UNA-UNSO and "full-time servicemen of the Ukrainian army" aided Georgian forces during the fighting. Ukraine denied the accusation.[38] Further disagreements over the position on Georgia and relations with Russia were among the issues that brought down the Our Ukraine-Peoples Self Defence + Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko coalition in the Ukrainian parliament during September 2008[39] (on December 16, 2008 the coalition did remerge with a new coalition partner, the Lytvyn Bloc[40]).
During the 2008 South Ossetia war relations with Russia also deteriorated over the new rules for the Russian Black Sea Fleet to obtain permission when crossing the Ukrainian border, which Russia refused to comply with.[41][42]
On October 2, 2008 Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin accused Ukraine of supplying arms to Georgia in the recent South Ossetia War. Putin also claimed that Moscow had evidence proving that Ukrainian military experts were present in the conflict zone during the war. Ukraine has denied the allegations. The head of its state arms export company, Ukrspetsexport, said no arms were sold during the war, and Defense Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov denied that Ukraine's military personnel fought on the side of Georgia.[43] General Prosecutor of Ukraine confirmed on September 25, 2009 that there was no personnel of the Ukrainian Armed Forces participated in the 2008 South Ossetia War, no weapons or military equipment of the Ukrainian Armed Forces were present at the conflict, and no help was given to the Georgian side. Also in the declaration the Ukrainian officials informed that the international transfers of the military specialization equipment between Ukraine and Georgia during the 2006-2008 were conducted in accordance with the earlier established contracts, the laws of Ukraine, and the international treaties.[44]
In Denikin's diaries he has a discussion about Big Russia and Little Russia - Ukraine. He says that nobody should be permitted to interfere in relations between us, they have always been the business of Russia itself.
Russia's is heavily opposed to Ukraine and Georgia becoming members of NATO.[46][47] [48][49] According to a document uncovered during the United States diplomatic cables leak Putin “implicitly challenged" the territorial integrity of Ukraine at the April 4, 2008, NATO-Russia Council Summit in Bucharest, Romania.[50]
During a January 2009 dispute about natural gas prices supplies of Russian natural gas through Ukraine were shut.[51] Relations further deteriorated when Russian Prime Minister Putin during this dispute said that "Ukrainian political leadership is demonstrating its inability to solve economic problems, and [...] situation highlights the high criminalization of [Ukrainian] authorities"[52][53] and when in February 2009 (after the conflict) Ukrainian President Yushchenko[54][55] and the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry considered Russian President Dmitry Medvedev's statement that Ukraine must compensate for gas crisis losses to the European countries an "emotional statement which is unfriendly and hostile towards Ukraine and the EU member-states".[56][57] During the conflict the Russian media almost uniformly portrayed Ukraine as an aggressive and greedy state that wanted to ally with Russia’s enemies and exploit cheap Russian gas.[29]
After a "master plan" to modernize the natural gas infrastructure of Ukraine between the EU and Ukraine was announced (on March 23, 2009) Russian Energy Minister Sergei Shmatko told an investment conference at which the plan was unveiled that it appeared to draw Ukraine legally closer to the European Union and might harm Moscow's interests.[58] According to Putin "to discuss such issues without the basic supplier is simply not serious".[58]
In a January 2009 US diplomatic cable (as revealed by WikiLeaks as a part of its United States diplomatic cables leak) (then) Ambassador of Ukraine to Russia Kostyantyn Hryshchenko stated that Kremlin leaders wanted to see a totally subservient to Moscow regency in Ukraine and that Putin “hated” then-President Yushchenko and had a low personal regard for Viktor Yanukovych but saw then-Prime Minister Tymoshenko as someone perhaps not that he can trust, but with whom he can deal.[59]
On 11 August 2009, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev posted a videoblog on the Kremlin.ru website, and the official Kremlin LiveJournal blog, in which he attacked Viktor Yushchenko, for what Medvedev claims is the Ukrainian President's responsibility in the souring of Russia–Ukraine relations and "the anti-Russian position of the current Ukrainian authorities".[60] As a result of this alleged anti-Russian sentiment, Medvedev announced that he would not appoint a new Russian ambassador to Ukraine until such time as there was an improvement in the relationship.[61][62][63][64] In response to this letter by his Russian counterpart Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko wrote a letter back in which noted he could not agree that the Ukrainian-Russian relations had run into problems and wondered why the Russian President completely rules out the Russian responsibility thereupon.[65][66][67] Analysts said Medvedev's message was timed to influence the campaign for the Ukrainian presidential election, 2010.[61][68] The U.S. Department of State (in response to the videoblog) said it was "not sure that these comments are necessarily" and also stated "Ukraine has a right to make its own choices, and we feel that it has a right to join NATO if it chooses"[69] (the United States has supported Ukraine’s bid to join NATO despite Russia’s objections since the Ukrainian governments proposal to join the NATO Membership Action Plan in January 2008[70][71][72]).
On October 7, 2009 Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov commented that the Russian Government wants to see economy prevail in Russian-Ukrainian relations and that relations between the two countries would improve if the two countries would set up joint ventures, especially in small and medium-sized businesses.[73] At the same meeting in Kharkiv Lavrov stated that the Russian Government will not response to a Ukrainian proposal to organize a meeting between the Russian and Ukrainian presidents,[74] but that "Contacts between the two countries' foreign ministries are being maintained permanently."[75]
On December 2, 2009 Ukrainian Foreign Minister Petro Poroshenko and Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov agreed on gradually abandoning the compilation of lists of individuals banned from entering their countries.[76]
On April 22, 2010 Presidents Viktor Yanukovych and Dmitry Medvedev signed an agreement concerning renting of the Russian Naval Forces base in Sevastopol in the next 25 years for the natural gas discounts in deliveries which accounted for $100 per each 1,000 cubic meters.[77][78][79]
On May 17, 2010, the President of Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev arrived to Kiev on the two day visit.[80] During the visit Medvedev hoped to sign cooperation agreements in inter-regional and international problems, according to RIA Novosti. That also was mentioned on the official inquiry at the Verkhovna Rada by the First Deputy prime-minister Andriy Kliuyev. According to some news agencies the main purpose of the visit was to solve the disagreements in the Russian-Ukrainian energy relations after Viktor Yanukovych agreed on the partial merger of Gazprom and Naftogaz.[81] Apart from the merger of the state gas companies there are also talks of the merger of the nuclear energy sector as well.[82]
Both Russian President Dmitry Medvedev (April 2010[4]) and Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin (June 2010[5]) have stated they noticed a big improvement in relations since Viktor Yanukovych Presidency.
Generally in opinion polls Russians say they have a more negative attitude towards Ukraine than vice versa.
Polls in Russia have shown that after top Russia’s officials made radical statements or took drastic actions against Ukraine the attitude of those polled towards Ukraine worsened (every time). The issues that have "hurt" Russians’ view of Ukraine are:
According to experts the Russian Government likes to cultivate the image "Ukraine is an enemy" to cover up its own internal mistakes.[83] Analysts like Philip P. Pan (writing for the Washington Post) have argued that Russian media portray the Government of Ukraine as anti-Russian.[84][85]
| Opinion | October 2008[85] | April 2009[86] | June 2009[86] | September 2009[83] | November 2009[87] | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Good | 38% | 41% | 34% | 46% | 46% | |
| Negative | 53% | 49% | 56% | 44% | 44% |
Note: 80% had a “good or very good” attitude towards Belarus during 2009.[83]
| Opinion | October 2008[85] | June 2009[88] | September 2009[83] | November 2009[87] |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Good | 88% | 91% | 93% | 96% |
| Negative | 9% | - | - |
Parallel polls released on November 5, 2009 showed that about 67% of Ukrainians think the relationship should be a friendship between “two independent states”, while 55% of those polled in Russia share that concept.[87]
Polls in Russia in the 1990s showed that an majority of Russians could not accept the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the independence of Ukraine.[89][90][91] According to a 2006 poll by VCIOM 66% of all Russians regretted the collapse of the Soviet Union.[92] 50% of respondents in Ukraine in a similar poll held in February 2005 stated they regret the disintegration of the Soviet Union.[93] In 2005 (71%) and 2007 (48%) polls Russians expressed a wish to unify with Ukraine; although a unification solely with Belarus was more popular.[94][95]
Late 20th century there were still members of the Russian political elite that claimed that Ukrainian is a Russian dialect and that Ukraine (and Belarus) should become part of the Russian Federation.[96] In a June 2010 interview Mikhail Zurabov, then Russian ambassador to Ukraine, stated "Russians and Ukrainians are a single nation with some nuances and peculiarities".[97] A late 2011 poll by Levada Center showed 53% of polled Russians preferred friendship with an independent Ukraine and 33% did prefer Ukraine to be under Russia's economic and political control (15% was undecided).[98]
Although a large majority of Ukrainians voted for independence in December 1991 the following years the Russian press portrayed the independence Ukraine as the work of "nationalists" who “twisted” the "correct" instincts of the masses according to a 1996 study.[99] The study argues that as a result of this the presumption in the Russian popular opinion became that the Ukrainian political elite is the only thing standing in between the "heartfelt wish of the Ukrainians" to reunite with Russia.[99]
Ukrainian history is not threaded as a separate subject on leading Russian University's but rather incorporated in the history of Russia.[100]
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